West Bengal polls: In Nandigram, BJP's Suvendu faces challenge from old loyalist

At Tekhali Bridge, the spot synonymous with the 2007 land acquisition movement that led to 14 deaths, and an entry point to Nandigram — it’s hard to miss the sea of saffron. On many flags, the slogan “Jai Shri Ram” is written prominently; on others, the Ram Temple is featured.

Amidst these saffron flags are some bright yellow ones, too, bearing the slogan “Joy Bangla”.

Yet, there are no BJP or Trinamool Congress flags anywhere. Up ahead, whether it is Reyapara, Sonachura, or Mohammadpur, the picture is the same. Identity politics has arrived in Nandigram.




“You can blindfold me, but I would still know Nandigram like the back of my hand,” says Suvendu Adhikari, the BJP nominee from the seat. “The new entrants might need to place their CVs here, not me. I am the same Suvendu standing here in 2026 that stood with the residents of Nandigram in 2004,” adds Adhikari, who defeated chief minister Mamata Banerjee here in 2021.

When TOI caught up with him, Adhikari had just completed an election meeting at Binandapur in Nandigram-I, convened at the Manasa Mandir grounds, a little more than 5km from the Nandigram bus stand.

The politics of religious identity is hard to miss. “Sanatanis will trounce Adharma,” says Bapi Das, a local. “Adhikari is an icon here,” he adds. “He made Nandigram what it is today. He gifted Nandigram to CM Banerjee in 2007, and he knows how to take it back, too.”

Adhikari had reminded those attending the meeting that while he secures barely two votes from the Mohammadpur Madrasah booth (where Muslims are a majority), he gets around 400 from the Hindu-majority local high school booth, with the opposition securing another 250-odd votes. “When will you learn to unite? Think, practice thinking,” Adhikari told the crowd.

Adhikari claims it is his “inclusivity” that provides him with confidence.

“Hindus are not the only ones targeted by the Trinamool,” he says with conviction. “Several Muslims have also suffered. I am the first person on the spot when anyone is attacked by Trinamool goons. I can name people from the minority community whom I have helped. That is the reason they will vote for the CM but come to me for help. There is a josh among workers here. They know that even if they go to jail, their families are safe. Suvendu is there for them. They have asked me to concentrate on Bhowanipore and defeat Mamata Banerjee there again. They have assured me that they will take care of Nandigram on my behalf,” Adhikari asserts.

He, however, is leaving nothing to chance. He has visited each of the 17 anchals in his constituency almost every evening despite travelling extensively across the state, projecting the image of being “the boy next door”.

Adhikari’s opponent from the Trinamool Congress, 46-year-old Pabitra Kar, is following a similar pattern.

Kar is no pushover. A political turncoat himself, he has deep links with multiple Hindu organisations such as Hindu Samhati and Sanatani Sena. The TMC nominee is a former Adhikari confidant, who knows Adhikari’s organisational setup all too well. In 2021, when CM Banerjee was contesting here, many credited Kar with securing a 3,500-plus lead for Adhikari in Boyal I and II, which clinched his narrow victory.

Kar promises development, which, he insists, has eluded Nandigram, while pulling no punches against Adhikari. “All Nandigram has seen in the past is a set of empty assurances,” he says. “It’s time I brought real development. If Adhikari is the heartbeat of Nandigram, why does he resort to intimidation and threats in each election? My only job is to reach out to every person. This cycle of intimidation must stop.”

Political observers say that in the closely fought poll battle in Nandigram, the delicate balance of win and loss lies in different demographic segments. This becomes important after SIR, which saw 12,500 Muslim voters struck off the rolls. Alleged open threats to migrant workers — by Adhikari himself — have only led to further discomfort among Muslims.

Kar has been maintaining a relatively silent — but steady — grassroots campaign. Trinamool appears to be focusing on strengthening his local connections and organisational support.

According to an interpretation by the research organisation Sabar Institute, although Muslims constitute only 25% of Nandigram’s total population, nearly 95.5% of the voters deleted from the supplementary list belong to the minority community.

“My neighbour’s name is missing, and I am still unsure whether I will be allowed to vote,” says Rubina Bibi, a resident of Mohammadpur.

Most voters said they want to go beyond the rhetoric of politics. “We have a railway station, but no rail line,” alleged Tarun Das, a Reyapara resident. “There is still no direct connectivity to Haldia because we have no bridge over the Haldi river. There is no meaningful employment even in Haldia.”

Gokulnagar resident Nur Ali says that Nandigram should no longer be in the news only for its politics. “It is difficult for me to keep track of today’s youth. They are in the BJP today, and in TMC the next day. There is a cycle of threats, clout, and money power,” says Swadesh Jana, a trader from Tangua Bazar.
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