Finding neverland in Bihar

<div class="section1"><div class="Normal">Bihar, the land of Lord Buddha and Lord Mahavira, is today more easily identified as the land of Pappu Yadav and Mohammed Shahabuddin. It makes headlines when the two dons — who are MPs from the ruling RJD — decide it is time for some action, or the courts decide it is time for some action against them. Outside the state, the mere mention of the word Bihar evokes derision and laughter in elite and not-so-elite circles alike. As the state prepares for yet another ritual of electing a government for five years, the question is, will things change for the better?<br /><br />A quick look at the socio-economic indicators shows Bihar continues to be at the bottom of the development ladder. It has a per capita annual income of Rs 3,650 compared with the national average of Rs 11,625. As much as 42.6 per cent of the state''s population lives below the poverty line; the national average is 26.1 per cent . Only 47.5 per cent of Biharis can read or write; the all-India average is 65.4 per cent .<br /><br />What has brought Bihar to this state? Lack of political vision and will? Yes. But that only partly explains the problem. Consistent neglect by the Centre in allocation of funds and policies skewed against the state have been major reasons for its backwardness. Says Saibal Gupta of the Patna-based Asian Development Research Institute (ADRI): "The Centre''s policies of freight equalisation, which continued for many decades, discouraged industries from setting shop in the then mineral-rich state. This, coupled with lack of land reforms and unavailability of funds, crippled the state."<br /><br />With the creation of Jharkhand in 2000, Bihar lost whatever industries it had. It had hoped for a huge financial package from the Centre as compensation. But that did not materialise.<br /><br />Until a few years ago, the three Cs — caste, crime and corruption — were held responsible for the malaise in Bihar. Today, many feel corruption is no longer an issue. "You talk of corruption when there is some work. When there is no work, there is no corruption," says S K Mehrotra, president, Bihar Industries Association.<br /><br /></div> </div><div class="section2"><div class="Normal">Compared with the all-India per capita developmental expenditure of Rs 6,749, the figure for Bihar during 2000-2002 was merely Rs 3,206. The per capita Tenth Plan size fixed by the Centre — Rs 2,534 — is less than a third of that of states like Gujarat (Rs 9,289) and Karnataka (Rs 8,260). While Andhra Pradesh received Rs 3,508 crore (1998-2000) as "additional Central assistance for externally aided projects in state plans", Bihar received just Rs 307 crore. As for grants from the Centre, Bihar received Rs 4,047 crore during the period while Andhra Pradesh topped the list with Rs 9,790 crore. It''s the same story with net loans from the Centre or credit from state-controlled banks and financial institutions. Politics at play?<br /><br />With no industrial activity worth the name, there have been hardly any employment opportunities in the state. The government being the only spender, there has always been a scramble for sarkari contracts, be it for building dams, roads and bridges or running liquor vends. Earlier, the local criminal used to graduate to a contractor before becoming a politician. Now, he jumps straight into politics. Once in politics, getting government contracts is no big deal.<br /><br />Around the time Bangalore was transforming itself into another Silicon Valley, attracting top IT companies and brains, a new industrial revolution was taking shape in Bihar. Today, Americans are afraid of being ‘Bangalored'' — that is, their jobs being outsourced to Bangalore. They are not yet afraid of being ‘Biharred'', but Bihar''s special industry — kidnapping — is as well-entrenched as Bangalore''s IT industry.<br /><br />The emergence of kidnapping as an industry in Bihar is not an isolated phenomenon. It tells a story of stagnation and decay. It shows how criminals hold a vice-like grip over the political system.<br /><br />While democracy is cherished worldwide as the preferred form of government, in the fragmented polity of Bihar, it has been reduced to a ritual. Who will rule the state is not determined by a political ideology or economic agenda. It is determined by caste alliances.<br /><br /></div> </div><div class="section3"><div class="Normal">The state machinery has become so malleable over the years that it is either used by those in power to manipulate the electoral system or remains a mute spectator when electoral malpractices take place, no matter how many DMs and SPs are transferred by the Election Commission before the elections.<br /><br />Will next month''s assembly elections bring about a change in the fate of the state? Unlikely. By all accounts, Lalu Prasad''s hold remains as firm as ever. In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, his Rashtriya Janata Dal fought in alliance with the Congress and Ram Vilas Paswan''s Lok Jan Shakti Party to win a majority of the seats in the state. This time around, Lalu and Paswan have parted ways but both remain allied to the Congress. So long as his strong Muslim-Yadav equation remains intact, there is no visible threat to Lalu''s supremacy.<br /><br />Even if Lalu''s party is voted out and another combine comes to power, don''t expect things to change much. Politicians in one party are no different from those in another. The disenchantment with politicians is best summed up by two former IPS officers, one of whom has turned politician and the other now manages a temple.<br /><br />"Is there a difference between nag-nath and saanp-nath?" asks D P Ojha, former DGP, who contested the last Lok Sabha elections unsuccessfully. "All politicians are bad. The difference is only a matter of degree. There is no such thing as principles or party with a difference. But all is not lost. The solution will come from the people," says Acharya Kishore Kunal, who manages the famous Mahavir Temple at Patna.<br /><br />To use computer terminology, in the last 15 years of Lalu-Rabri raj, Bihar has been ‘saved'' as a medieval ‘file'' of casteism, poverty and backwardness. Only the people of the state can ‘reboot'' the computer. Perhaps they need to install a fresh ‘operating system''.<br /><br />(<span style="" font-weight:="" bold="" font-style:="" italic="">With inputs from Raj Kumar in Patna</span>)</div> </div>