With its galloping energy needs, India is constantly tapping the Gulf region as the principal source of its supplies.
When Salim Sherwani, minister of state for external affairs in the Deve Gowda government, visited Saudi Arabia in 1997, receiving him was Prince Abdullah, the present monarch, who inquired: Why has India forgotten us? He arrives in India today. It is tempting to speculate that but for developments leading to 9/11, and much that has happened in West and South Asia since, a state visit from Saudi Arabia would have taken place earlier. Much thinking has obviously gone into inviting King Abdullah as the chief guest at this year's Republic Day. He comes more than 50 years after King Saud was received by Jawaharlal Nehru. Reasons political, economic and strategic are not far to seek. With its galloping energy needs, India is constantly tapping the Gulf region as the principal source of its supplies, and from where 3.6 million Indian workers send home a whopping $8 billion every year.
Saudi Arabia is crucial on both these counts. It stepped in totally after supplies from Iraq (six million tonnes) and Kuwait (four million tonnes) dried up following Gulf War I. The number of Indian workers in the kingdom used to be 250,000 in 1982. In 2005, 1.5 million Indians sent home $4 billion half of the total Gulf remittances. But even without these factors, Saudi Arabia is important as the home of the Holy Land for India's 150 million Muslims. Except between 1970 and 2000, India's relations with Saudi Arabia have been good. But they have never translated into geo-strategic ties. This is because Riyadh mainly, but partly New Delhi too, have placed themselves into diplomatic corners. The general Indian perception of the kingdom is that it dominates the pan-Islamic politics at the OIC, where India gets pilloried for its Kashmir policy and violence against the Muslim minority. It is also seen as the home to Wahabi Islam (born, incidentally, at Deoband) that has spawned militancy across the world, including India and Kashmir in particular. It is seen as the inspiration behind much that is the staple of the conservative Muslim clergy and madrassas that have failed to keep pace with the times. Yet, no Indian Muslim, barring some Al-Qaida-trained Kashmiris and a couple of Britons of Indian origin, has been found involved in terrorism. Delhi has displayed an ability to adjust to the changing environment and chart out an independent foreign policy. It is getting close to the US, but has not sent troops to Iraq. It has supported Iran on the nuclear issue, till Iran itself chose to queer the pitch. In the geo-politically important Central Asia, it has not hesitated to collaborate with Russia and China. India nurses legitimate concerns over Saudi princes and millionaires financing jehadi outfits. At the public level, there is an outcry at ageing Sheikhs flocking to poor Indian Muslim homes looking for nubile brides, whom they marry, cohabit with, divorce and fly off. These may well be acts of individuals over whom the Saudi authorities have no real control. Even if understandable, it does not cut ice with the public. Public perceptions do matter. But most Indian thinkers are unable to view Saudi Arabia without their Pakistan prism. The latest is Jeddah's reported move to buy Eurofighters. These could be operated by the Pakistan air force personnel. Given the past record, implications for India are obvious. However, virtually unknown to Indian opinion makers, the Saudis, despite their inherent conservatism, have displayed trends towards moderation. Their thinkers have favoured a dialogue between the Shias and the Sunnis; a dialogue with non-Muslims; rejection of all forms of violence and extremism; Muslims in non-Muslim countries have been advised to stay loyal to their governments; and have advocated that Gulf rulers be tolerant. These have been but faint signals, emanating despite the 9/11 trauma. Although different priorities have governed Indian and Saudi actions, they have a lot in common. After all, they belong to the same region. India has IT and much else. Saudi Arabia would be comfortable taking that in return for profitable investments in stable Indian ventures.